Louis Auguste de France, who was given the title Duc de
Berry at birth, was born in the Palace of Versailles. Out of seven children, he
was the third son of Louis, the Dauphin of France, and thus the grandson of
Louis XV of France and of his consort, Maria Leszczyńska. His mother was
Marie-Josèphe of Saxony, the daughter of Frederick Augustus II of Saxony,
Prince-Elector of Saxony and King of Poland.
Louis-Auguste had a difficult childhood because his parents
neglected him in favour of his, said to be, bright and handsome older brother,
Louis, duc de Bourgogne, who died at the age of nine in 1761. A strong and
healthy boy, but very shy, Louis-Auguste excelled in his studies and had a
strong taste for Latin, history, geography and astronomy, and became fluent in
Italian and English. He enjoyed physical activities such as hunting with his
grandfather. Also rough-playing with his younger brothers, Louis-Stanislas,
comte de Provence, and Charles-Philippe, comte d'Artois. From an early age,
Louis-Auguste had been encouraged in another of his hobbies: locksmithing, which
was seen as a 'useful' pursuit for a child.
Upon the death of his father, who died of tuberculosis on 20
December 1765, the eleven-year-old Louis-Auguste became the new Dauphin. His
mother, who had never recovered from the loss of her husband, died on 13 March
1767, also from tuberculosis. The strict and conservative education he received
from the Duc de La Vauguyon, "gouverneur des Enfants de France"
(governor of the Children of France), from 1760 until his marriage in 1770, did
not prepare him for the throne that he was to inherit in 1774 after the death
of his grandfather, Louis XV.
On 16 May 1770, at the age of fifteen, Louis-Auguste married
the fourteen-year-old Habsburg Archduchess Maria Antonia (better known by the
French form of her name, Marie Antoinette), his second cousin once removed and
the youngest daughter of the Holy Roman Emperor Francis I and his wife, the
formidable Empress Maria Theresa.
This marriage was met with some hostility by the French
public. France's alliance with Austria had pulled France into the disastrous
Seven Year War, in which France was defeated by the British, both in Europe and
in North America. By the time that Louis-Auguste and Marie-Antoinette were
married, the people of France generally regarded the Austrian alliance with
dislike, and Marie-Antoinette was seen as an unwelcome foreigner. For the young couple, the marriage was
initially amiable but distant – Louis-Auguste's shyness meant that he failed to
consummate the union, much to his wife's distress, while his fear of being
manipulated by her for Imperial purposes caused him to behave coldly towards
her in public. Over time, the couple
became closer, though while their marriage was reportedly consummated in July
1773, it was not in fact really so until 1777.
Nevertheless, the royal couple failed to produce any
children for several years after this, placing a strain upon their marriage,
whilst the situation was worsened by the publication of obscene pamphlets
(libelles) which mocked the infertility of the pair. One questioned, "Can
the King do it? Can't the King do it?"
The reasons behind the couple's initial failure to have
children were debated at that time, and they have continued to be so since. One
suggestion is that Louis-Auguste suffered from a physiological dysfunction,
most often thought to be phimosis, a suggestion first made in late 1772 by the
royal doctors. Historians adhering to
this view suggest that he was circumcised
(a common treatment for phimosis) to relieve the condition seven years
after their marriage. Louis's doctors were not in favour of the surgery – the
operation was delicate and traumatic, and capable of doing "as much harm
as good" to an adult male. The argument for phimosis and a resulting
operation is mostly seen to originate from Stefan Zweig.
However, it is agreed amongst most modern historians that
Louis had no surgery – for instance, as late as 1777, the Prussian envoy, Baron
Goltz, reported that the King of France had definitely declined the operation.
The fact was that Louis was frequently declared to be perfectly fit for sexual
intercourse, confirmed by Joseph II, and during the time he was purported to
have had the operation, he went out hunting almost every day, according to his
journal. This would not have been possible if he had undergone a circumcision;
at the very least, he would have been unable to go out hunting for a few weeks
after. Their consummation problems have now been attributed to other factors,
around which controversy and argument still enshroud today.
In the long run, and in spite of all their earlier
difficulty, the Royal couple became the parents of four children:
Marie-Thérèse-Charlotte (19 December 1778 – 19 October 1851)
Louis-Charles (the future titular King Louis XVII of France)
(27 March 1785 – 8 June 1795)
Sophie-Hélène-Béatrix, who died in infancy (9 July 1786 – 19
June 1787).
When Louis XVI succeeded to the throne in 1774, he was not
yet 20 years old. He had an enormous responsibility, as the government was
deeply in debt, and resentment to 'despotic' monarchy was on the rise. Louis
also felt woefully unqualified for the job. The King, his brothers and Marie
Antoinette became fellows of the masonic lodge Trois Frères à l'Orient de
Versailles.
He aimed to earn the love of his people by reinstating the
parlements. While none doubted Louis's intellectual ability to rule France, it
was quite clear that, although raised as the Dauphin since 1765, he lacked
firmness and decisiveness. In spite of his indecisiveness, Louis was determined
to be a good king, stating that he "must always consult public opinion; it
is never wrong." Louis therefore appointed an experienced advisor,
Jean-Frédéric Phélypeaux, comte de Maurepas who, until his death in 1781, would
take charge of many important ministerial functions.
Radical financial reforms by Turgot and Malesherbes angered
the nobles and were blocked by the parlements who insisted that the King did
not have the legal right to levy new taxes. So, in 1776, Turgot was dismissed
and Malesherbes resigned, to be replaced by Jacques Necker. Necker supported
the American Revolution, and he carried out a policy of taking out large
international loans instead of raising taxes. He attempted to gain public favor
in 1781 when he had published the first ever statement of the French Crown's
expenses and accounts, the Compte rendu au roi.This allowed the people of
France to view the king's accounts in modest surplus. When this policy failed
miserably, Louis dismissed him, and then replaced him in 1783 with Charles
Alexandre de Calonne, who increased public spending to "buy" the
country's way out of debt. Again this failed, so Louis convoked the Assembly of
Notables in 1787 to discuss a revolutionary new fiscal reform proposed by
Calonne. When the nobles were informed of the extent of the debt, they were
shocked into rejecting the plan. This negative turn of events signaled to Louis
that he had lost the ability to rule as an absolute monarch, and he fell into
depression.
As power drifted from him, there were increasingly loud calls
for him to convoke the Estates-General, which had not met since 1614, at the
beginning of the reign of Louis XIII. As a last-ditch attempt to get new
monetary reforms approved, Louis XVI convoked the Estates-General on 8 August
1788, setting the date of their opening at 1 May 1789. With the convocation of
the Estates-General, as in many other instances during his reign, Louis placed
his reputation and public image in the hands of those who were perhaps not as
sensitive to the desires of the French public as he was. Because it had been so
long since the Estates-General had been convened, there was some debate as to
which procedures should be followed. Ultimately, the parlement de Paris agreed
that "all traditional observances should be carefully maintained to avoid
the impression that the Estates-General could make things up as it went
along." Under this decision, the King agreed to retain many of the
divisionary customs which had been the norm in 1614, but which were intolerable
to a Third Estate buoyed by the recent proclamations of equality. For example,
the First and Second Estates proceeded into the assembly wearing their finest
garments, while the Third Estate was required to wear plain, oppressively
somber black, an act of alienation that Louis would likely have not condoned.
He seemed to regard the deputies of the Estates-General with at least respect:
in a wave of self-important patriotism, members of the Estates refused to
remove their hats in the King's presence, so Louis removed his to them.
This convocation was one of the events that transformed the
general economic and political malaise of the country into the French
Revolution, which began in June 1789, when the Third Estate unilaterally
declared itself the National Assembly. Louis's attempts to control it resulted
in the Tennis Court Oath (serment du jeu de paume), on 20 June, and the
declaration of the National Constituent Assembly on 9 July. Within three short
months, the majority of the king's executive authority had been transferred to
the elected representatives of the people's nation. The storming of the
Bastille on 14 July served to reinforce and emphasize this radical change in
the mind of the masses.
French involvement in the Seven Years War had left Louis XVI
a disastrous inheritance. Britain's victories had seen them capture most of
France's colonial territories. While some were returned to France at the 1763
Treaty of Paris a vast swathe of North America was ceded to the British.
This had led to a strategy amongst the French leadership of
seeking to rebuild the French military in order to fight a war of revenge
against Britain, in which it was hoped the lost colonies could be recovered.
France still maintained a strong influence in the West Indies, and in India
maintained five trading posts, leaving opportunities for disputes and
power-play with Great Britain.
In the spring of 1776, Vergennes, the Foreign Secretary, saw
an opportunity to humiliate France's long-standing enemy, Great Britain, as
well as recover territory lost during the Seven Years' War, by supporting the
American Revolution. Louis XVI was convinced by Pierre Beaumarchais to secretly
send supplies, ammunition and guns from 1776, sign a formal Treaty of Alliance
in early 1778, and go to war with Britain. Spain and the Netherlands soon
joined the French in an anti-British coalition.
France's initial military assistance to the American rebels
was a disappointment with defeats at Rhode Island and Savannah. In 1780 France
sent Rochambeau and de Grasse to help the Americans, along with large land and
naval forces. The French expeditionary force arrived in America in July 1780.
The appearance of French fleets in the Caribbean was followed by the capture of
a number of the sugar islands, including Tobago and Grenada. French intervention
proved decisive in forcing a British army under Lord Cornwallis to surrender at
the Battle of Yorktown in 1781.
The Americans gained their independence, and the war
ministry rebuilt the French Army. However, the British defeated the main French
fleet in 1782 and successfully defended the island of Jamaica. France gained
little from the Treaty of Paris (of 1783) that ended the war, except the
colonies of Tobago and Senegal. Louis was wholly disappointed in his aim of
recovering Canada from Britain. The war cost 1,066 million livres, financed by
new loans at high interest (with no new taxes). Necker concealed the crisis
from the public by explaining only that ordinary revenues exceeded ordinary
expenses, and not mentioning the loans. After he was forced from office in
1781, new taxes were levied.
Louis XVI also wished to expel the British from India. In
1782, Louis XVI sealed an alliance with the Peshwa Madhu Rao Narayan. As a
consequence Bussy moved his troops to the Île de France (Mauritius) and later
contributed to the French effort in India in 1783. Suffren became the ally of
Hyder Ali in the Second Anglo-Mysore War against British rule in India, in
1782–1783, fighting the British fleet along the coasts of India and Ceylon.
France also intervened in Vietnam following Mgr Pigneau de
Behaine's intervention to obtain military aid. A France-Vietnam alliance was
signed through the Treaty of Versailles of 1787, between Louis XVI and Prince
Nguyễn Ánh. As the French
regime was under considerable strain, France was unable to follow through with
the application of the Treaty, but Mgr Pigneau de Behaine persisted in his
efforts and with the support of French individuals and traders mounted a force
of French soldiers and officers that would contribute to the modernization.
Louis XVI also encouraged major voyages of exploration. In
1785, he appointed La Pérouse to lead a sailing expedition around the world.
On 5 October 1789, an angry mob of Parisian working women
was incited by revolutionaries and marched on the Palace of Versailles, where
the royal family lived. During the night, they infiltrated the palace and
attempted to kill the queen, who was associated with a frivolous lifestyle that
symbolized much that was despised about the Ancien Régime. After the situation
had been defused, the king and his family were brought by the crowd to the
Tuileries Palace in Paris. The reasoning behind this forced departure from
Versailles was the opinion the king would be more accountable to the people if
he lived among them in Paris.
Initially, after the removal of the royal family to Paris,
Louis maintained a certain level of popularity by acquiescing to many of the
social, political, and economic reforms of the revolutionaries. Unbeknownst to
the public, however, recent scholarship
has concluded that Louis began to suffer at the time from severe bouts
of clinical depression, which left him prone to paralyzing indecisiveness. During these indecisive moments, his wife,
the unpopular queen, was essentially forced into assuming the role of
decision-maker for the Crown.
The revolution's principles of popular sovereignty, though
central to democratic principles of later eras, marked a decisive break from
the absolute monarchical principle that was at the heart of traditional French
government. As a result, the revolution was opposed by many of the rural people
of France and by practically all the governments of France's neighbors. As the
revolution became more radical and the masses became more uncontrollable,
several leading figures in the initial formation of the revolution began to
doubt its benefits. Some like Honoré Mirabeau secretly plotted with the Crown
to restore its power in a new constitutional form.
Beginning in 1791, Montmorin, Minister of Foreign Affairs,
started to organize covert resistance to the Revolutionary forces. Thus, the
funds of the Civil List (la Liste civile), voted annually by the National
Assembly were partially assigned to secret expenses in order to preserve the
monarchy. Arnault Laporte was in charge of the Civil List and he collaborated
with both Montmorin and Mirabeau. After the sudden death of Mirabeau,
Maximilien Radix de Sainte-Foix, a noted financier, took his place. In effect,
he headed a secret council of advisers to the King that tried to preserve the
Monarchy; these schemes proved unsuccessful, and were exposed later as the
armoire de fer scandal.
Mirabeau's death, and Louis's indecision, fatally weakened
negotiations between the Crown and moderate politicians. On one hand, Louis was
nowhere near as reactionary as his brothers, the comte de Provence and the comte d'Artois, and he repeatedly
sent messages to them requesting a halt to their attempts to launch
counter-coups. This was often done through his secretly nominated regent, the
Cardinal Loménie de Brienne. On the other hand, Louis was alienated from the
new democratic government both by its negative reaction to the traditional role
of the monarch and in its treatment of him and his family. He was particularly
irked by being kept essentially as a prisoner in the Tuileries, where his wife
was being humiliatingly forced to have revolutionary soldiers in her private
bedroom watching her as she slept, and by the refusal of the new regime to
allow him to have confessors and priests of his choice rather than
'constitutional priests' pledged to the state and not the Roman Catholic
Church.
On 21 June 1791, Louis attempted to secretly flee with his
family from Paris to the royalist fortress town of Montmédy on the northeastern
border of France. While the National
Assembly worked painstakingly towards a constitution, Louis and
Marie-Antoinette were involved in plans of their own. Louis had appointed the
baron de Breteuil to act as plenipotentiary, dealing with other foreign heads
of state in an attempt to bring about a counter-revolution. As tensions in
Paris rose and Louis was pressured to accept measures from the Assembly against
his will, the King and Queen plotted to secretly escape from France. Beyond
escape, they hoped to raise an "armed congress" with the help of the
émigrés who had fled, as well as assistance from other nations, with which they
could return and, in essence, recapture France. This degree of planning reveals
Louis’ political determination; unfortunately it was for this determined plot
that he was eventually convicted of high treason. However, flaws in its plan and lack of
rapidity were responsible for the failure of the escape. The royal family was
arrested at Varennes-en-Argonne shortly after Jean-Baptiste Drouet, postmaster
of the town of Sainte-Menehould, had recognised the king from his profile on a
golden écu, and had given the alert. Louis XVI and his family were brought back
to Paris where they arrived on 25 June. Viewed suspiciously as traitors, they
were placed under tight house arrest upon their return to the Tuileries.
The other monarchies of Europe looked with concern upon the
developments in France, and considered whether they should intervene, either in
support of Louis or to take advantage of the chaos in France. The key figure
was Marie Antoinette's brother, the Holy Roman Emperor Leopold II. Initially,
he had looked on the revolution with equanimity. However, he became more and
more disturbed as it became more and more radical. Despite this, he still hoped
to avoid war.
On 27 August, Leopold and King Frederick William II of
Prussia, in consultation with émigrés French nobles, issued the Declaration of
Pillnitz, which declared the interest of the monarchs of Europe in the
well-being of Louis and his family, and threatened vague but severe
consequences if anything should befall them. Although Leopold saw the Pillnitz
Declaration as an easy way to appear concerned about the developments in France
without committing any soldiers or finances to change them, the revolutionary
leaders in Paris viewed it fearfully as a dangerous foreign attempt to
undermine France's sovereignty.
In addition to the ideological differences between France
and the monarchical powers of Europe, there were continuing disputes over the
status of Austrian estates in Alsace, and the concern of members of the
National Constituent Assembly about the agitation of émigrés nobles abroad,
especially in the Austrian Netherlands and the minor states of Germany.
In the end, the Legislative Assembly, supported by Louis,
declared war on the Holy Roman Empire first, voting for war on 20 April 1792,
after a long list of grievances was presented to it by the foreign minister,
Charles François Dumouriez. Dumouriez prepared an immediate invasion of the
Austrian Netherlands, where he expected the local population to rise against
Austrian rule. However, the revolution had thoroughly disorganised the army,
and the forces raised were insufficient for the invasion. The soldiers fled at
the first sign of battle, deserting en masse and, in one case, murdering their
general
While the revolutionary government frantically raised fresh
troops and reorganised its armies, a mostly Prussian allied army under Charles
William Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick assembled at Coblenz on the Rhine. In
July, the invasion commenced, with Brunswick's army easily taking the
fortresses of Longwy and Verdun. The duke then issued on 25 July a proclamation
called the Brunswick Manifesto, written by Louis's émigré cousin, the Prince de
Condé, declaring the intent of the Austrians and Prussians to restore the king
to his full powers and to treat any person or town who opposed them as rebels
to be condemned to death by martial law.
Contrary to its intended purpose of strengthening the
position of the King against the revolutionaries, the Brunswick Manifesto had
the opposite effect of greatly undermining Louis's already highly tenuous
position in Paris. It was taken by many to be the final proof of a collusion
between Louis and foreign powers in a conspiracy against his own country. The
anger of the populace boiled over on 10 August when a group of Parisians – with
the backing of a new municipal government of Paris that came to be known as the
"insurrectionary" Paris Commune – besieged the Tuileries Palace. The
king and the royal family took shelter with the Legislative Assembly.
Louis was officially arrested on the 13 August 1792, and
sent to the Temple, an ancient fortress in Paris that was used as a prison. On
21 September, the National Assembly declared France to be a Republic and
abolished the Monarchy. Louis was stripped of all of his titles and honours,
and from this date was known as simply Citoyen Louis Capet.
The Girondins were partial to keeping the deposed king under
arrest, both as a hostage and a guarantee for the future. The more radical
members – mainly the Commune and the Parisian deputies who would soon be known
as the Mountain – argued for Louis's immediate execution. The legal background
of many of the deputies made it difficult for a great number of them to accept
an execution without the due process of law of some sort, and it was voted that
the deposed monarch be tried before the National Convention, the organ that
housed the representatives of the sovereign people.
In November 1792, the Armoire de fer (French: 'iron chest')
incident took place at the Tuileries Palace. This was believed to have been a
hiding place at the Royal apartments, where some secret documents were kept.
The existence of this iron cabinet was publicly revealed to Jean-Marie Roland,
Girondinist Minister of the Interior. The resulting scandal served to discredit
the King.
On 11 December, among crowded and silent streets, the
deposed King was brought from the Temple to stand before the Convention and
hear his indictment, an accusation of high treason and crimes against the
State. On 26 December, his counsel, Raymond de Sèze, delivered Louis's response
to the charges, with the assistance of François Tronchet and Malesherbes.
On 15 January 1793, the Convention,
composed of 721 deputies, voted on the verdict. Given overwhelming evidence of
Louis's collusion with the invaders, the verdict was a foregone conclusion –
with 693 deputies voting guilty, none for acquittal, with 23 abstaining. The
next day, a roll-call vote was carried out to decide upon the fate of the King,
and the result was uncomfortably close for such a dramatic decision. 288 of the
Deputies voted against death and for some other alternative, mainly some means
of imprisonment or exile. 72 of the Deputies voted for the death penalty, but
subject to a number of delaying conditions and reservations. 361 of the
Deputies voted for Louis's immediate death. The
next day, a motion to grant Louis XVI reprieve from the death sentence was
voted down: 310 of the Deputies requested mercy, but 380 of the Deputies voted
for the immediate execution of the death penalty. This decision would be final.
On Monday, 21 January 1793, Louis was beheaded by guillotine on the Place de la
Révolution. The executioner, Charles Henri Sanson, testified that the former
King had bravely met his fate.
As Louis mounted the scaffold he
appeared dignified and resigned. He delivered a short speech in which he
reasserted his innocence, “I die perfectly innocent of the so-called crimes of
which I am accused. I pardon those who are the cause of my misfortunes….” He declared himself willing to die and prayed
that the people of France would be spared a similar fate. Many accounts suggest
Louis XVI’s desire to say more to his people, but Antoine-Joseph Santerre, a
general in the National Guard, halted the speech by ordering a drum roll. The
former King was then quickly beheaded. Some accounts of Louis's beheading
indicate that the blade did not sever his neck entirely the first time. There
are also accounts of a blood-curdling scream issuing from Louis after the blade
fell but this is unlikely, since the blade severed Louis's spine. It is agreed
that while Louis's blood dripped to the ground many members of the crowd ran
forward to dip their handkerchiefs in it.
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